The Framers who wrote the Constitution in 1787 could not have known how much American society would change in the centuries that followed. Even so, the system they designed for choosing the president has proved flexible enough to serve a modern nation (Heritage Foundation, 2020). The Electoral College is a central part of the Framers’ plan. It was written into the Constitution as a compromise between having Congress choose the president and letting citizens choose the president by popular vote (USA.gov, 2026). We should keep the Electoral College because of the important benefits it brings to the election of the president and vice president.

We should keep the Electoral College because it protects federalism, a principle at the heart of our constitutional republic. The United States is a large and diverse country whose regions differ in their economies, cultures, and needs, and federalism allows those differences to survive within one national government (Heritage Foundation, 2020). Because the federal government was formed by the states, the method of choosing the president should give each state a fair voice, not just count a single national total. Under Article II of the Constitution, every state receives as many electors as it has senators and representatives combined (Garrett, 2024). As a result, every state, including the smallest, has a guaranteed share in the choice of the President.
- 3
- 4–6
- 7–10
- 11–19
- 20–54
- California: 52 House seats + 2 senators = 54 electors
- Texas: 38 House seats + 2 senators = 40 electors
- Ohio: 15 House seats + 2 senators = 17 electors
- Wyoming: 1 House seat + 2 senators = 3 electors
435 House seats + 100 senators + 3 electors for the District of Columbia (23rd Amendment) = 538 electors. A candidate needs a majority of them: 270.
Map by Writers Per Hour from the National Archives’ Distribution of Electoral Votes and the U.S. Census Bureau’s 2020 Census Apportionment Results.
Show every state’s electors
| State | House seats | Senators | Electors |
|---|---|---|---|
| Alabama | 7 | 2 | 9 |
| Alaska | 1 | 2 | 3 |
| Arizona | 9 | 2 | 11 |
| Arkansas | 4 | 2 | 6 |
| California | 52 | 2 | 54 |
| Colorado | 8 | 2 | 10 |
| Connecticut | 5 | 2 | 7 |
| Delaware | 1 | 2 | 3 |
| District of Columbia | – | – | 3 |
| Florida | 28 | 2 | 30 |
| Georgia | 14 | 2 | 16 |
| Hawaii | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| Idaho | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| Illinois | 17 | 2 | 19 |
| Indiana | 9 | 2 | 11 |
| Iowa | 4 | 2 | 6 |
| Kansas | 4 | 2 | 6 |
| Kentucky | 6 | 2 | 8 |
| Louisiana | 6 | 2 | 8 |
| Maine | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| Maryland | 8 | 2 | 10 |
| Massachusetts | 9 | 2 | 11 |
| Michigan | 13 | 2 | 15 |
| Minnesota | 8 | 2 | 10 |
| Mississippi | 4 | 2 | 6 |
| Missouri | 8 | 2 | 10 |
| Montana | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| Nebraska | 3 | 2 | 5 |
| Nevada | 4 | 2 | 6 |
| New Hampshire | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| New Jersey | 12 | 2 | 14 |
| New Mexico | 3 | 2 | 5 |
| New York | 26 | 2 | 28 |
| North Carolina | 14 | 2 | 16 |
| North Dakota | 1 | 2 | 3 |
| Ohio | 15 | 2 | 17 |
| Oklahoma | 5 | 2 | 7 |
| Oregon | 6 | 2 | 8 |
| Pennsylvania | 17 | 2 | 19 |
| Rhode Island | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| South Carolina | 7 | 2 | 9 |
| South Dakota | 1 | 2 | 3 |
| Tennessee | 9 | 2 | 11 |
| Texas | 38 | 2 | 40 |
| Utah | 4 | 2 | 6 |
| Vermont | 1 | 2 | 3 |
| Virginia | 11 | 2 | 13 |
| Washington | 10 | 2 | 12 |
| West Virginia | 2 | 2 | 4 |
| Wisconsin | 8 | 2 | 10 |
| Wyoming | 1 | 2 | 3 |
We need the Electoral College because it encourages candidates to build broad coalitions and to stay moderate. A candidate cannot win the presidency by campaigning only in the largest cities and the biggest media markets, so candidates have to seek votes among many different groups of Americans. The Heritage Foundation (2020) links this to the Founders’ fear of a “tyranny of the majority” that could leave large parts of the population, especially people in rural and remote areas, without a real voice. Because candidates must appeal to voters across the whole country rather than only in big cities, the Electoral College tends to favor moderate candidates over radical ones (Heritage Foundation, 2020).
Keeping the Electoral College also makes election outcomes more legitimate. In almost every state, the candidate who wins the popular vote receives all of that state’s electors (Garrett, 2024), so a narrow lead in the national popular vote often becomes a much wider lead in electoral votes. A clear result leaves less room for disputes and gives the winner a stronger mandate to govern (Heritage Foundation, 2020). Guelzo (2018) noted that 17 of 29 presidential elections since 1900 had been decided by 200 or more electoral votes. By contrast, the Heritage Foundation (2020) warns that a national popular vote decided by a simple plurality, with no majority required, could produce presidents who win by extremely small margins, and that such narrow victories, together with a smaller share of the vote for any one candidate, could lead to chaotic and contested elections. A president chosen by only 25% or 35% of voters might lack a mandate to govern, and doubts about that president’s legitimacy could have serious consequences for the country and for every decision made in office.
- Winner’s share of the popular vote
- Winner’s share of the electoral votes
- Electoral-vote lead of 200 or more
- Winner had fewer popular votes than the runner-up
Popular-vote shares are of all votes cast, third-party votes included, so a winner can have less than 50%. Electoral-vote shares are of all electors that year (538 since 1964). The runner-up is the candidate with the second-most electoral votes.
Chart by Writers Per Hour from the American Presidency Project (UC Santa Barbara) election results, checked against the National Archives’ Electoral College results.
Show the figures for every election
| Year | Winner and runner-up | Electoral votes | Popular vote | Lead |
|---|---|---|---|---|
| 1900 | William McKinley (Republican) William Jennings Bryan (Democratic) | 292 (65.3%) 155 of 447 | 51.7% 45.5% | 137 |
| 1904 | Theodore Roosevelt (Republican) Alton B. Parker (Democratic) | 336 (70.6%) 140 of 476 | 56.4% 37.6% | 196 |
| 1908 | William Howard Taft (Republican) William Jennings Bryan (Democratic) | 321 (66.5%) 162 of 483 | 51.6% 43.0% | 159 |
| 1912 | Woodrow Wilson (Democratic) Theodore Roosevelt (Progressive) | 435 (81.9%) 88 of 531 | 41.8% 27.4% | 347 |
| 1916 | Woodrow Wilson (Democratic) Charles Evans Hughes (Republican) | 277 (52.2%) 254 of 531 | 49.2% 46.1% | 23 |
| 1920 | Warren G. Harding (Republican) James M. Cox (Democratic) | 404 (76.1%) 127 of 531 | 60.3% 34.1% | 277 |
| 1924 | Calvin Coolidge (Republican) John W. Davis (Democratic) | 382 (71.9%) 136 of 531 | 54.0% 28.8% | 246 |
| 1928 | Herbert Hoover (Republican) Al Smith (Democratic) | 444 (83.6%) 87 of 531 | 58.2% 40.8% | 357 |
| 1932 | Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic) Herbert Hoover (Republican) | 472 (88.9%) 59 of 531 | 57.4% 39.6% | 413 |
| 1936 | Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic) Alf Landon (Republican) | 523 (98.5%) 8 of 531 | 60.8% 36.5% | 515 |
| 1940 | Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic) Wendell Willkie (Republican) | 449 (84.6%) 82 of 531 | 54.7% 44.8% | 367 |
| 1944 | Franklin D. Roosevelt (Democratic) Thomas E. Dewey (Republican) | 432 (81.4%) 99 of 531 | 53.4% 45.9% | 333 |
| 1948 | Harry S. Truman (Democratic) Thomas E. Dewey (Republican) | 303 (57.1%) 189 of 531 | 49.5% 45.1% | 114 |
| 1952 | Dwight D. Eisenhower (Republican) Adlai Stevenson (Democratic) | 442 (83.2%) 89 of 531 | 54.9% 44.4% | 353 |
| 1956 | Dwight D. Eisenhower (Republican) Adlai Stevenson (Democratic) | 457 (86.1%) 73 of 531 | 57.4% 42.0% | 384 |
| 1960 | John F. Kennedy (Democratic) Richard Nixon (Republican) | 303 (56.4%) 219 of 537 | 49.7% 49.5% | 84 |
| 1964 | Lyndon B. Johnson (Democratic) Barry Goldwater (Republican) | 486 (90.3%) 52 of 538 | 61.1% 38.5% | 434 |
| 1968 | Richard Nixon (Republican) Hubert Humphrey (Democratic) | 301 (55.9%) 191 of 538 | 43.4% 42.7% | 110 |
| 1972 | Richard Nixon (Republican) George McGovern (Democratic) | 520 (96.7%) 17 of 538 | 60.7% 37.5% | 503 |
| 1976 | Jimmy Carter (Democratic) Gerald Ford (Republican) | 297 (55.2%) 240 of 538 | 50.1% 48.0% | 57 |
| 1980 | Ronald Reagan (Republican) Jimmy Carter (Democratic) | 489 (90.9%) 49 of 538 | 50.7% 41.0% | 440 |
| 1984 | Ronald Reagan (Republican) Walter Mondale (Democratic) | 525 (97.6%) 13 of 538 | 58.8% 40.6% | 512 |
| 1988 | George H. W. Bush (Republican) Michael Dukakis (Democratic) | 426 (79.2%) 111 of 538 | 53.4% 45.6% | 315 |
| 1992 | Bill Clinton (Democratic) George H. W. Bush (Republican) | 370 (68.8%) 168 of 538 | 43.0% 37.4% | 202 |
| 1996 | Bill Clinton (Democratic) Bob Dole (Republican) | 379 (70.4%) 159 of 538 | 49.2% 40.7% | 220 |
| 2000 | George W. Bush (Republican) Al Gore (Democratic) | 271 (50.4%) 266 of 538 | 47.9% 48.4% | 5 |
| 2004 | George W. Bush (Republican) John Kerry (Democratic) | 286 (53.2%) 251 of 538 | 50.7% 48.3% | 35 |
| 2008 | Barack Obama (Democratic) John McCain (Republican) | 365 (67.8%) 173 of 538 | 52.9% 45.7% | 192 |
| 2012 | Barack Obama (Democratic) Mitt Romney (Republican) | 332 (61.7%) 206 of 538 | 51.1% 47.2% | 126 |
| 2016 | Donald Trump (Republican) Hillary Clinton (Democratic) | 304 (56.5%) 227 of 538 | 46.1% 48.2% | 77 |
| 2020 | Joe Biden (Democratic) Donald Trump (Republican) | 306 (56.9%) 232 of 538 | 51.3% 46.9% | 74 |
| 2024 | Donald Trump (Republican) Kamala Harris (Democratic) | 312 (58.0%) 226 of 538 | 49.8% 48.3% | 86 |
Preserving the Electoral College also keeps elections stable because it makes contentious recounts less likely. Each state runs its own elections under its own rules, including when a recount is triggered, how it is carried out, and how provisional ballots are counted. In 2000, the recount in Florida was long, emotional, and expensive, even though it took place in only one state (Heritage Foundation, 2020). If the president were chosen by a national popular vote, a handful of ballots anywhere in the country could decide the outcome. In a close national race, candidates would want recounts everywhere, yet many states’ laws do not allow a recount when the margin inside the state is large (Muller, 2020). A suspicious result in even one district could therefore set off a struggle over a nationwide recount (Heritage Foundation, 2020).
The Electoral College should also be kept because it discourages voter fraud. No system can stop every attempt to cheat, but the Electoral College reduces the payoff from fraud by containing its effects within a single state (Heritage Foundation, 2020). Fraudulent votes can at most change who wins that state and its electors: a candidate who carries the state receives the same electoral votes whether the margin includes 100 illegal votes or 100,000. Under a national popular vote, by contrast, illegal votes cast in one state would be added to the national total, so their effect would reach far beyond that state’s borders (Heritage Foundation, 2020).
In conclusion, we should keep the Electoral College not only to uphold the Framers’ wishes but also to avoid the chaos that might emerge without this system. The system is working exactly as it was intended, ensuring that the president is elected by a diverse group of voters from every corner of the United States. Keeping it ensures that we continue to see the same wisdom established by the Founding Fathers, in the system of government they created, in the Constitution, and in the principles upon which this great nation was shaped.